The socio-economic rationale behind Buddhist persecutions
Xiaoju Liu, Senior Librarian, Chinese & Asian Studies, Archives and Special Collections, University of Melbourne
The importation of Buddhism from India into China around the first century had far-reaching impacts on religion, metaphysics, ideology, politics, fine art, music, phonology, literature, and social life - nearly all aspects of Chinese culture. From those who lived at the bottom of society to scholar-officials, from the public to the court, the influence of Buddhism was seen everywhere. However, it also faced continuous challenges and persecutions throughout Chinese history, notably ordered by Emperor Tai-Wu of the Northern Wei (北魏太武帝, 408-452), Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou (北周武帝, 543-578), and Emperor Wu of Tang (唐武帝, 814-846). As those three emperors were all given the posthumous name Wu (martial, as opposed to Wen, cultural), the discrimination they incited was collectively called “the persecution of Buddhism under three Wu-s” (三武灭佛). Behind this history of oppression were complex religious, ideological, political, ethnic, and socio-economic motives.
As an imported religion, there had been continuous tension between Buddhism and the indigenous Daoism, and also Confucianism. Regardless of the catalyst, which could be religious, ideological, and so forth, a socio-economic rationale can always be found behind the instances of major persecution, especially in the second and the third persecutions. The logic underlying this was simple: Buddhist temples were not only exempt from taxation but also required extra government financial assistance, usually in the form of land.1 Consequently, people converted to Buddhism to escape tax and civil conscription, especially during wartime, which worsened the typical decline of the economy during and after the war. Exacerbating this, with their large land assets, temples were often involved in, and aggravated, land annexation, leading to an explosion of vagrancy, which endangered sovereignty.
Some scholars agree that the first persecution, ordered by Tai-Wu of the Northern Wei, might have been triggered by political rebellion2, the economic consideration behind it was not negligible. According to Weishu Shilaozhi (Treatise of Buddhism and Daoism in the Book of Wei, 魏书释老志), in the third year of Taiyan (太延三年, 437), as there were too many monks. Those aged under fifty were forced to resume secular life.3 We do not have the exact number or proportion of monks impacted, but given the short average lifespan at the time, it was likely significant. In his annotation of Zizhi Tongjian (Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, 资治通鉴), Hu Shansheng (1230-1302) explained that this action helped increase the labor force and taxable population for the state.4 Another economic factor that led to this persecution was that monks were reported to be indulging in wine, which was made from grain.
In the following persecution, which was ordered by Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou during the Jiande era (建德三年-七年, 572-578), economic factors became more apparent. At the time, there were three separate regimes in China: Nothern Zhou (557-581) and Southern Qi (550-577) in the north as well as Chen (557-589) in the south. In Emperor Wu’s time, there were about 40,000 temples and 3,000,000 monks and nuns (more than 1/10 of the total population) in the north alone.5 Even Emperor Wen-xuan of the Northen Qi (北齐文宣帝, 526-559), who was a passionate supporter of Buddhism, noted that about one third of the government revenue was consumed by Buddhism.6 Why did Emperor Wu have a different attitude towards Buddhism than Emperor Wen-xuan? This may be partially understood as a matter of personality.7 According to his biography in Zhoushu (Book of Zhou, 周书武帝纪), Emperor Wu lived a thrifty life8 and therefore loathed the appallingly extravagant life of Buddhists. He explained why Buddhism should be persecuted:
Temples and pagodas competed to be built more splendidly and extravagantly, as it was believed that Buddhism would bring good fortune. This was not true: it was bought in by uneducated public, who devoted all their money to it. Therefore, to Emperor Wu, it should be persecuted.9
Although the third persecution started with a Daoist’s alienation, the driving force was actually economic. It was ordered during the reign of Emperor Wu of Tang around the fifth year of Huichang era (会昌五年, 845) when the central government felt a financial pinch, resulting from the destructive An Lushan Rebellion (755-763). Regional military governors had become more powerful in putting down the rebellion, and had begun to occupy more and more territories across the empire, withholding local tax revenues. There were also two big wars10 in Emperor Wu’s time, which consumed large amounts of social wealth; as a result, the government had to impose temporary income tax on officials.11 During this persecution, Buddhist temples were shut down, and nearly 300,000 monks and nuns were forced to resume secular life national wide. All temple properties were expropriated by the state, and Buddhist statues were recycled for coins.
Apart from these major persecutions, Buddhism faced constant challenges throughout Chinese history, for similar reasons. A few decades before the Huichang persecution, in the fourteenth year of the Yuanhe era (元和十四年, 819), Confucian scholar Han Yu (768-824) wrote the famous Memorial on the Buddha's Relics (Jian Yin Fogu Biao, 谏迎佛骨表) in response to Emperor Xian’s (唐宪宗, 778-820) decision to worship the Buddha’s relics for three days in the palace. In the memorial, Han Yu said that Buddhism was the religion of barbarians, as its doctrines deviated from the guiding moral codes of Confucianism. His standpoint therefore seems to be in defence of orthodox Confucianism. However, as Chen Yinke (1890-1969) pointed out, we should read this memorial alongside Han Yu’s other works, like this poem Sending off Master Ling (Song Lingshi Shilue, 送灵师诗略):
It has been about six hundred years since the importation of Buddhism into China. Civilians convert to Buddhism to escape from tax and civil conscription, whilst esteemed scholars are obsessed with Buddhist meditation in solitude. Government officials could not stop this and simply let it go. Farmland was left uncultivated, and the bureaucracy failed to exhaust worthies.12
It becomes evident that from Han’s perspective the negative economic impact of Buddhism was concerning.13
Despite this, Buddhism did have positive socio-economic impact at the level of the individual. For example, according to an excavated document from Turpan of the Tang dynasty, 26 female devotees formed a community and helped each other with both Buddhist matters as well as financial problems with funerals, which had significant costs.14
However, any such societal gains were far outweighed, in the eyes of the Emperors and their scholar officials, by the macro-economic implications of Buddhism’s popularity, especially during times of financial hardship, and this was the ultimate cause of its persecution.
Endnotes
[1] “凡道士给田三十亩，女冠二十亩，僧尼亦如之”, see Datang liudian大唐六典 (Compendium of administrative law of the six divisions of the Tang bureaucracy), vol.3.
[2] For example, see Zhang Jian 张箭, Sanwu yizong miefo yanjiu 三武一宗灭佛研究 (The extermination of Buddhism by four emperors), (Doctoral dissertation, Sichuan University), 2001, pp.11-14.
[3] “寻以沙门众多，诏罢年五十以下者”, see Weish, shilaozhi 魏书释老志 (Treatise of Buddhism and Daoism in the Book of Wei), p.303.
[4] “以其强壮, 置使为民，以从征役”, see Zizhi tongjian资治通鉴 (Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance), vol.123.
[5] See Ren Jiyu 任继愈, Zhongguo fojiao shi 中国佛教史 (History of Chinese Buddhism), vol. 3, Beijing: Zhongguo she hui kexue chubanshe, 1981, p.64.
[6] “今以国储， 分为三分， 谓供国， 自用及三宝(佛教)”, see Xu gaosengzhuan 续高僧传 (Sequel to the biographies of eminent monks), vol.16.
[7] Their different ethnic policies could also explain this divergence. Both regimes originated from Xianbei (鲜卑), which was a northern “barbarian” tribe. However, unlike Emperor Wen-xuan who embraced barbarianism, Emperor Wu actively advocated Sinicization and himself was a Confucianism supporter. He saw the regime as legitimism therefore naturally repelled Buddhism which was thought to be from the Barbarians.
[8] “联平生居处， 每存菲薄， 非直以训子孙， 亦乃本心所好”, see Zhoushu 周书 (Book of Zhou), p.107.
[9] “崇建图塔壮丽修造， 致福极多。此实无情， 何能恩惠， 愚人响(相)信。倾竭珍财， 徒为引费。故须荡除。” See Guang hongmingji 广弘明集 (Expanded collection for the propagation and clarification of Buddhism), vol.10.
[10] The war against Uyghur Khaganate (842-843) and Liu Zhen刘稹 (843).
[11] Edwin O. Reischauer, Ennin’s Travels in Tang China,New York: Ronald Press, 1955, p. 253.
[12] “佛法入中国，尔来六百年。齐民逃赋役，高士著幽禅。官吏不之制，纷纷听其然。耕桑日失隶，朝署时遗贤。” See Qian Zhonglian 钱仲联, Han Changli shi xinian jishi 韩昌黎诗系年集释 (The collected commentaries of the dated poems of Han Changli), vol.2, Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984.
[13] Chen Yinke 陈寅恪, ‘Lun Han Yu论韩愈 (Treatise on Han Yu)’, Lishi Yanjiu (Historical Research), vol.2, 1954, p.108.
[14] Chen Baoliang 陈宝良, Zhongguo de she yu hui 中国的社与会 (Social communities in China), Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2011, p.10.